Assembly Elections 2026: Bodoland Fights For Peace And Development, Demands Direct Funds From New Delhi

With inputs from Sonit Goswami, Bandhana Sarma and Monalisa Sharma

Guwahati: Rains in Assam have intensified the ferocity of the Brahmaputra river, adding a sense of awe to the panoramic view of the districts, towns and cities it touches. Assam is going for Assembly polls on April 9, and months of consistent campaigning against a particular community by the state Chief Minister, Himanta Biswa Sarma (HBS), seems to have paid dividends. The BJP’s catchphrase “Miya Muslims” has entered deep into a society that had otherwise lived alongside one another, thinking less about religion and more about language and culture.

The river, which serves as a lifeline for the entire state, from Sadiya in Upper Assam to Dhubri in Lower Assam, never discriminated when feeding its fields. It also did not discriminate on the basis of religion when villages were devastated by monsoon floods. However, discrimination has now found its way into Assamese society through politics, and years of divisive slogans are showing results. People across the state have started targeting every member of the community as ‘Miya Muslims’, meaning they originally came from the Bangla-speaking Bangladesh, whether before the Partition or afterwards.

Bodoland: Five Lower Assam Districts Not Singed By Divisive Slogans

The Bodoland Territorial Region in Assam. (ETV Bharat)

However, that fire of discrimination doesn't seem to have singed Bodoland. Despite being virtually ruled by the BJP through its allies in the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), and across 15 Assembly constituencies in the region, the “Miya Muslim” slogan has not had many takers here.

Five districts of Lower (or Western) Assam, in what is now called the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR), have a significant number of Muslims living alongside Bodos. This 'Bodoland' enjoys tribal protection under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Bodo tribals make up six per cent of the state’s population, making them the single largest Scheduled Tribe (ST) in Assam. The entire region is administered by the autonomous self-governing Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC).

Dhaneswar Goyary, BTC Councillor. (ETV Bharat)

The Bodos, who had once fought for separate statehood, ended up with the BTR in 2003, which many believe was not enough. Dhaneswar Goyary, a BTC councillor, is still not satisfied, like many of his fellow Bodos. “We wanted Bodoland, but got BTR. Our target was a separate state. After an agreement with the government, we formed BTC as we had no other choice,” he said. He added that they expect that funds for Bodoland should come directly from New Delhi.

Bodoland's Political Equation For Assembly Polls

The Bodoland People's Front (BPF) — which swept the September 2025 Council elections, winning 28 out of 40 seats — is currently an NDA ally, though they earlier had an alliance with the Congress. In the upcoming Assembly elections, BPF is contesting 11 seats, while the BJP is contesting four of the 15 seats in the BTR.

Another political force that is taking the BPF head-on in the Assembly elections, the United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL), is focused less on statehood and more on securing legal provisions under the 125th Amendment, which amended the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution to enhance powers, financial autonomy, and structure of Autonomous District Councils. UPPL, which was a BJP ally, parted ways last month and is contesting all 15 seats alone.

Lawrence Islary, the sitting MLA of Kokrajhar East. (ETV Bharat)

The Congress has candidates on 13 seats, with allies Raijor Dal (Manas) and Trinamool Congress (Goreshwar) contesting in one seat each.

UPPL's Lawrence Islary, the sitting MLA of Kokrajhar East, demands direct funding from the Centre, bypassing the state government. Islary believes that certain steps will bring absolute peace to the region. These include the release of all prisoners who were part of the Bodo movement. “There are around 25 Bodo activists in various jails. Our demand is to release them for the greater good of the region,” he said.

A Distinct Identity, A Desire For Statehood

In the five districts where the Bodos are dominant — Kohrajhar, Chirang, Baksa, Tamulpur and Udalguri — other communities with significant populations, both Hindu and Muslim, include Adivasis, Rajbongshis, Nepalis and Bengali-speakers. It is the dress that differentiates Bodos from non-Bodos. Bodo women are dressed in handmade Dokhona, while men wrap themselves in a handmade cloth called Gamusa.

All Bodo leaders speak in one voice for peace. They believe the peace currently existing in the region is fragile. To make it lasting, many more things need to happen. The institution that helped restore normalcy and routine in the region is the BTC, which is vital for development.

To strengthen such institutions, BTC councillor Dhaneswar Goyary of the BPF believes direct funding is required from the Centre to avoid delays. “Women’s empowerment and overall development will happen when we have funds on time,” he says.

Bodo women played a crucial role in the statehood movement, and continue to play a vital role in the region’s development. Unlike many Bodo men, some of the women are in awe of the BJP leadership and praise their schemes. Mausami Basumatary, a BPF worker, noted, “BJP is good for us; it has women-centric schemes.”

Mausami Basumatary, a BPF worker. (ETV Bharat)

On sacrifices made by Bodo women during the movement, school teacher Funzza Brahmo pointed towards the graves of women martyrs that lies at the entry to Kokharjar district. There are more than 1,000 memorials at the cemetery, of people who had fallen to bullets of the security forces during the armed struggle for statehood. “We have what we have now because of these people," said Ansana Mosary, an MBA student at Bodoland University.

School teacher, Funzza Brahmo, at the memorial. (ETV Bharat)

Non-Bodos Under BTC

Non-Bodos, on the other hand, recall the era of armed Bodo struggle as a “dark time”, when survival wasn’t easy for them in a hostile atmosphere. Recalling the depredations they experienced, a Muslim education officer in Bodoland, on condition of anonymity, explained how difficult it was to live under the shadow of fear. “It wasn’t easy to move freely those days," he said. “There was terror from all sides.”

Peace was restored when an accord in 2003 facilitated the formation of the BTR.

Goyary, campaigning for BPF candidates, recalls experiencing all shades of the Bodo struggle. He says he has seen the armed struggle under his leader, Hagrama Mohilary, who was the then chief of the armed group, Bodoland Liberation Tigers (BLT), and now heads the BTC. Notably, BLT was the same group that showed a willingness to fight for the country when the Indian Army was fighting the Kargil war against Pakistan in 1999.

Goyary says choosing electoral allies is purely interest-driven. “We can go with anyone who forms the government in the state. We never struck a chord with the policies of our allies; we are there for Bodoland, and our interest lies with the Bodo people. We have to stitch ourselves with any party that comes to power. Today it is the BJP; tomorrow, it can be some other party, and we will shake hands with them conveniently," he said, adding, “Muslims in the region supported the Bodo movement, and they live alongside us happily and peacefully.”

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